Biden’s Left Project

Post-Cold-War Class Analysis on the Servitor Class

Jul 08, 2023

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New Horizon:

Servitor Class

The "servitor class" is a term that refers to a segment of the workforce in a predominantly service-based economy, specifically those whose roles are focused on providing localized, non-exportable services. This means that their work cannot be outsourced or sent overseas, distinguishing them from roles that involve the production of tangible goods or products that can be transported and sold in global markets.

Members of the servitor class can include a wide range of occupations, such as baristas, housekeepers, plumbers, electricians, and dental hygienists, among others. These roles are characterized by their necessity to the everyday functioning of society and their requirement to be performed in-person, on-site, and within the local context.

Due to the nature of their work, which often involves employment across various franchises or smaller businesses, members of the servitor class may face unique challenges in terms of collective organization, such as forming unions, particularly until or unless they are employed by larger, national-scale companies. Their role and position within the broader socioeconomic structure represent an important aspect of the evolving dynamics of class and labor in modern service-based economies.

The Article:

In the Althusserian sense, the recent Anahit Misaka Kasparian episode illuminates a persistent dread of unveiling: the true nature of the so-called "radical left." This term, met with disdain from many Democrats and wielded as a weapon by mainstream media and Republican conservatives, requires interrogation.

Upon AOC's ascent to power, her decision to reinterpret the Green New Deal as a "civil rights bill" represents a strategic move to reshape an environmental agenda into an ideological tool. Coupled with Ana's rampage, it allows us to draw a conclusion: this "Radical Left" is a minority, identified by their class belonging to the intelligentsia, intent on disciplining the serf class to consolidate power.

The moniker "professional managerial class," attributed and popularized by the black socialist group "Revolutionary Blackout Network," also captures this process. Although contested, the notion that academics and scientific researchers are a part of this ascension into the ruling ideological apparatus suggests a reorientation of power structures. The so-called "radical left," rather than focusing on populism, are instead champions of scientific experimentation and social trials, marking their radicalism.

When The Humanist Report(@TheHumanistReport) underscored those terms like "baby giving person" are confined only to clinical trials and operating rooms, it highlighted an attempt by the intelligentsia to control discourse and impose a hierarchy in the service-client relationship, underlining an ongoing struggle against the servitor class: The new title is to be used by the serfs when they need to address their superiors, akin to "your honor."

The American service-based economy is cleaved into two categories: the servitor class and the professional managerial class. The former provides services to the latter and other upper classes, while the latter serves the world. This professional managerial class has yet to undergo class segregation or abscond to paradises like Ryugu-jo.

The bourgeoisie, living in secluded islands erected by the Maxwells, create a stark contrast with the proletariat, who were relegated to the underworld when Reagan and Nixon outsourced jobs. This bifurcation elucidates an ideological warfare waged on the servitor class, with implications that run deep within the veins of our socio-economic fabric. It is a dynamic phenomenon in constant transformation, echoing Althusser's theory of ideological state apparatuses, or 1984’s thought crime for misgendering (misgendering is not a thoughtcrime, for now, luckily, thank lord the graceful).

In the framework of Althusser, one must consider the transformation of American socioeconomic structures. As urban centers and rust-belts spread and sprawl, the service sector has burgeoned, accounting for around 70% of total American employment since 2019, according to the Brookings Institute. The idea of a "working class," in its traditional sense, is antiquated. The struggle has morphed into a dichotomy between the professional managerial class and the servitor class.

No longer do we witness battles among engineers, machinists, and labourers, as were prevalent during Reagan's tenure. The dynamics of class struggle have evolved, now, the 'servitor class' comes into focus. Defined by the services they provide that are geographically bound and cannot be outsourced. The Starbucks barista, the housekeeper, the electrician; they are the new face of labour. In contrast, the professional managerial class competes globally, their products and services embroiled in a bloody contest with intellectual powerhouses from countries like China and Iran (both have proud 4000+ years of indigenous civilization). The Professional Managerial Class's exports bring home products from across the globe, fueling the economy with their super-profits. However, their leisure and lifestyle depend on the servitor class, with raw materials also being sourced through importation. It is debatable whether they wage a joint campaign against the working class overseas and the servitor class domestically, aligning with world capitals through social media advertisement campaigns.

The servitor class, scattered among franchises and removed from the disciplined production regimes of traditional industry, lacks the united strength or simply the number of a mill's workforce or the cohesive spirit of dockworkers. Their potential to unionize is stifled until their employers become sprawling national entities(imperialize), like Starbucks or Walmart. As franchise chains replace the local enterprises of yore, the surge towards unionization seems inevitable.

Enter figures like AOC, representatives of the professional managerial class, whose role is to inject new social concepts into the public discourse. They present not tangible products, but ideas. These ideas, akin to imports like Greta Thunberg's environmental activism, serve as tools to obfuscate and delay the impending unionization of the servitor class. AOC and her cohort are the harbingers of a form of neo-imperialism, peddling concepts that challenge the status quo and reshape the nation's ideological landscape.

In this view, AOC's next post could be akin to the nation's marketing general, selling an ideology rather than a physical product, such as hormone/dopamine therapy. Thus, we see how the ideological state apparatuses continue to be manipulated in new, complex, and divisive ways, resonating with Althusser's central thesis.

In the vein of Richard Wolff's economic analysis, it is clear that global forces have already mobilized to quash this insurrection. Disappointingly, the leaders of the servitor class appear ill-prepared for this task, being unable to break free from outdated libertarian paradigms that do not align with current realities.

The old left, with its ties to traditional labor structures and manufacturing, is struggling to grapple with this rapidly evolving landscape. The new working class - the servitor class - is dispersed across various industries and locations, their labor immaterial and their workplaces decentralized. This dispersion makes their potential consolidation a formidable challenge.

Unlike the industrial proletariat of the past, whose shared conditions and concentrated geography made organization viable, this new servitor class faces a daunting task. They confront not only economic exploitation but also spatial and sectoral fragmentation. Their struggle is not solely against capital, but also against the forces of neoliberal globalization and technological change that have reshaped the contours of work and class in the 21st century.

Attempts to organize and mobilize this class face many obstacles, not least the hegemonic discourse propagated by the professional managerial class. They peddle an ideology that valorizes individualism and obscures systemic issues, weakening class consciousness and solidarity. Confronting this ideological state apparatus is critical if the servitor class is to coalesce and assert its rights and interests.

To paraphrase Richard Wolff, we are witnessing a systemic crisis of capitalism. The old models no longer suffice, and the old left has been found wanting. It falls upon us to navigate this new landscape, to understand the material conditions of the servitor class, and to foster new forms of organization and resistance that align with these conditions. The task is daunting, but it is also necessary.

Glossary:

The "servitor class", as defined in the context of a service-based economy and jobs that cannot be outsourced, could include a broad range of occupations. Here are some examples:

Baristas and Restaurant Workers: Those who prepare and serve food and beverages in coffee shops, restaurants, and bars. Their work is place-bound and requires direct interaction with customers.

Retail Workers: Employees of stores and shops, who assist customers, manage inventory, and perform sales transactions. Their role is physically located within the commercial establishment.

Housekeepers and Janitors: Individuals who perform cleaning tasks for residences, offices, hotels, and other establishments. Their work is site-specific and cannot be done remotely.

Plumbers and Electricians: Tradespeople who provide vital maintenance services for buildings and homes. Their work requires them to be physically present to diagnose and solve problems.

Healthcare Workers: This could include home health aides, nurses, dental hygienists, and others who provide critical health services in a direct and often hands-on manner.

Bus Drivers and Taxi Drivers: Those who provide transportation services within a specific locale. They are bound by the geographical region they service.

Hairdressers and Barbers: Professionals who provide personal grooming services, which require direct, in-person interaction.

Childcare Workers and Teachers: Professionals who provide in-person education and care for children.

Rideshare Drivers: Workers who drive for companies like Uber or Lyft as one of their several jobs. They provide essential transportation services but often lack full-time employee benefits.

Delivery Personnel: Individuals who work part-time for food or parcel delivery services such as DoorDash, Postmates, or Amazon Flex.

Freelance Creative Professionals: This includes part-time graphic designers, writers, or photographers who offer their services on platforms like Upwork or Fiverr.

Task-Based Workers: Those who perform various tasks through platforms like TaskRabbit or Handy. These can include home repairs, furniture assembly, moving help, or cleaning services.

Tutors or Coaches: Private tutors who offer their services part-time, often through online platforms. This could also include fitness trainers who operate independently or through apps like FitOn or Aaptiv.

Pet Care Professionals: This can involve part-time dog walking or pet sitting, frequently coordinated through apps like Rover or Wag.

Short-Term Rental Hosts: Individuals who rent out their homes or apartments part-time on platforms like Airbnb or Vrbo.

Part-Time Retail Workers: Those who work part-time shifts in retail or at multiple part-time retail jobs, often without consistent schedules or full-time benefits.

In a typical office environment, the Professional Managerial Class (PMC) assumes leadership positions, frequently devising innovative yet sometimes challenging management strategies. Their qualifications often derive from esteemed business degrees earned at Ivy League institutions such as Harvard or Yale, rather than from specific industry expertise.

The servitor class, meanwhile, encompasses roles like interns, clerks, and janitors. The tasks requiring creative thinking are often executed by individuals who straddle the servitor and working classes. These individuals possess a competitive edge rooted in their American identity and prestige, associated with renowned institutions like Yale and Princeton. This prestigious identity makes it difficult for their roles to be outsourced to graduates from international universities such as Waseda University早稲田大学.

However, it's important to note that their intellectual contributions aren't unique per se but are specialized “First World First Class“ insights informed by the global advertising strategies championed by the PMC. This dynamic helps maintain the existing hierarchy, with the PMC influencing the thought processes and output of the rest of the workforce.

These occupations do indeed signify a subset of the "servitor class," yet this classification could extend to numerous other roles that are hallmarked by the delivery of localized, in-person services. The direct, immediate nature of their work often engenders a potent connection between these workers and their roles, as well as with those they serve, creating an environment ripe for direct conflict and necessitating innovative approaches to management.

However, such innovation also calls for a refinement of the ideological apparatus that governs these interactions. This becomes a site of struggle, where relations of power are negotiated and contested. And given the personal nature of these services, implementing more stringent control measures, like a "vaccine mandate," for instance, becomes an inherently complex endeavor.

It's important to understand that these seemingly practical measures are deeply entangled in an ideological web. In this context, the "servitor class" does not just perform a set of jobs, but also navigates a complex, ideologically-charged landscape that reflects broader societal and economic tensions. Thus, understanding their experiences and challenges not only requires an examination of their economic roles but also a critical analysis of the ideological structures within which they operate.

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